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Dependence of viable global governance on pattern management?
Global Insight from Crown Chakra Dynamics in 3D? (Part #12)
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Challenge of numbers: Ironically there is a sense in which global governance would apprear to depend on appropriate "engagement with the monstrous". If the monster group and the crown chakra are indicative of what might be termed cognitive monstrosities, there may be similar conceptual challenges to be addressed. Their problematic nature is recognized by the policy sciences in reference to so-called "wicked problems", as separately discussed (Embodying Strategic Self-reference in a World Futures Conference: transcending the wicked problem engendered by projecting negativity elsewhere, 2015). Speculatively, given the above-mentioned role of aesthetics, the challenge could be framed in archetypal terms (Poetry-making and Policy-making: arranging a Marriage between Beauty and the Beast, 1993).
A primary characteristic of the "monstrous" nature of such numbers is the challenge they potentially represent to global governance, conceptually and otherwise (Comprehension of Numbers Challenging Global Civilization, 2014). How can anyone "re-member" what is experienced as complex?
Just how much can representatives of the people encompass in fulfilling their governance function? How many problems? How many strategic possibilities? Given the 1,000 elements of the crown chakra, how does governance engage with such numbers -- let alone those implied by the monster group -- if either or both have fundamental signifiance to comprehension of appropriate order?
It is ironic, even amusing, that the challenges of governance -- and the problematic understandings of imbalance in the patterns of social control -- are framed as "power problems". At the same time there is scientific recognition of the role of "power laws". It is therefore worth exploring the possibility that pattern recognition and pattern management involve an understanding of power associated with exponentiation. Could it be that memory and comprehension -- "re-membering" -- imply power laws to an unsuspected degree?
Number of parliamentary representatives: The argument can be reframed in terms of reflection on the number of representatives appropriate to any world government and their assembly for decision-making purposes. This has been the focus of an extensive study by a Committee for a Democratic U.N. (Andreas Bummel, The Composition of a Parliamentary Assembly at the United Nations, 2010). Taking the European Parliament as a point of departure, it noted that the apportionment of seats (based on Article 190 of the EC Treaty, and on the Treaty of Lisbon) is not strictly proportional to the population size of the 27 EU member states.
First of all, the EU members have politically agreed to limit the total number of MEPs to 736, to set a minimum number of 5 seats for every state, even the smallest ones, and a maximum number of 99 seats.19 The seats are then distributed according to â-"e;degressive proportionality.â-" In other words, the larger the population of a state, the more people per MEP are represented. The EC treaty does not include a formula... [Under Lisbon, there would be a total maximum of 751 members, the maximum per state would be 96 and the minimum would be raised to 6].
The study offers conclusions for a UN parliamentary assembly according to different models, as indicated below -- with the total number of seats approximating 800. Occupied by "members" of that parliament, and in the light of the challenge of memorability, there is a curiuous sense in which the function of the assembly is to "re-member" the world -- through a framework provocativelyu approximating that of the "1,000-petalled lotus" or the elusive chiliahedron (discussed above).
| Hypothetical distribution of UN parliamentary seats in four models (according to Freedom House categories) |
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| From The Composition of a Parliamentary Assembly at the United Nations, Committee for a Democratic U.N., 2010, p. 34 |
Potentially more intriguing in relation to any such determination is the study by the ACE: Electoral Knowledge Network on Parliamentary Size; (reproduced in Global Advocacy, Electoral Systems Design Componenets). It is framed by the question as to how large should be a country's representative assembly? The arguments made are clearly of relevance to any world assembly.
The question is not trivial. Assembly size has measurable effects on the representation of political parties. Especially, in smaller magnitude systems (such as single-member districts, but also small multimember districts) having more seats means more districts in which smaller parties with localized support have greater chances for representation. An assembly that is too small for the country may thus shut out important interests. Regardless of district magnitude, a small assembly may create a feeling of 'distance' between representatives and voters, even voters who favor large parties. On the other hand, an assembly that is overly large may create an unwieldy legislative process and generate a need for more complex intra-assembly committee structures or encourage the delegation of more legislative authority to the executive branch. Thus the question arises of what is the 'optimal' assembly size for a given country of a given population.
Especially valuable is the focus on the needs for appropriate communication by any legislator, whether with constiuents or other legislators. This would seem to be a question that is notably avoided in any analysis of the operation of assemblies of international significance. How effective is the communication by legislators -- bizarrely highlighted by the manner in which representsatives in the Westminster Parliament are required to stand up to indicate their desire to intervene, whether or not they are then recognized.
Democratic formulae: The ACE study ventures onto highly controversial ground in deriving a model whereby the number of representatives should ideally be the cube root of the size of the population -- recalling the power law focus above. This is then refined by an even more controversial emphasis on the active population -- "that portion that can be assumed to be actually involved in market exchange and therefore in seeking political representation". The refinement defines the number as the cube root of twice the size of the active population.
A fundamental difficulty with this formula is that determination of the economically active population is itself highly controversial, as indicated by the various methodologies examined, or specifically excluded (ILO Labour Force Estimates and Projections 1990-2030: Methodological description, 2017). Especially problematic is the inadequacy of national reporting procedures and standards -- a factor only too evident in relation to the COVID pandemic. Most controversial is any implication that those not actively working (or seeking work), however that is defined, would have no right to elect representatived to a parliamentary assembly -- notably those rendered jobless by crises such as COVID-19. The only clarity on the matter would seem to be with respect to the lack of clarity.
Hypothetically therefore, even assuming an active population of 50%, the ACE formula when applied to a global population of 8 billion, would give the requisite number of representatives in a democratic world asssembly as (2x4x109)-3, namely 2000, shortly to be increased to 3000 with the predicted rise in world population.
Such numbers are of course common in popular assemblies where there is little requirement for participants to communicate with all present or with one another individually, other than through collective processes (chanting, song, and the like). They raises the question of the challenge they might pose for the communication processes assumed to be the function of democratic representatives.
Comprehensible patterns of clustering: Any dynamics of a "1,000-petalled lotus" then usefully focus attention on the role of patterns of communication as implied by its 20 rings -- potentially to be recognized as factions, thematic preoccupations, or modalities. Some consideration of such patterning can be explored with respect to the European Parliament, as presented separately (Experimental Visualization of Dynamics of the European Parliament in 3D: a 9-fold enneagram of political groups embedded in a 12-fold symbolic icosahedron in virtual reality, 2019).
The question which is not otherwised addressed, and mentioned only in passing in the ACE study, is who needs to communicate with whom in the fulfillment of the expected functions of a legislator -- as potentially to be understood from a cybernetic perspective on systemic viability. More to the point, how is this facilitated or inhibited by conventional procedures and the use of technology?
There appear to have been few studies of this matter in the case of legislative assemblies, the assumption being that assembly of nigh on 1,000 representatives in a hemicycle ensures appropriate processes -- if only in symbolic terms. Arguably this assumption is especially dangerous, given the nature of the challenges with which legislators are expeected to engage. That legislators are specifically remunerated for their pressence in such an assembly is considered irrelevant to evaluation of the efficacy of its operation -- in contrast to the traditional model of acting as an appreciative audience for a leader.
Missing would appear to be the systemic studies of requisite clustering for viable governance, of which the 9-fold pattern above is but one example. A primary concern being the memorability of the patterns deployed, given the need for global coherence -- both within the governance process and its appreciation by the electorate. The question is discussed separately with respect to the currently unexplained enthusiasm for various strategic patterns of N-foldness:
A striking instances are offered by a pragmatic determination of requiste numbers, negotiated by treaty or otherwise (as exemplified by the case of the European Parliament) and the articulation of governing sets of principles, strategic articulations, and the like. These are affirmed in numbered lists, typically without the slightest explanation as to why a set is of any given size. In both cases there is not the slightest concern as to whether the pattern as a whole, or any articulation thereof, is memorable and comprehensible -- despite the importance attached to communicability.
Patterns of N-foldness: There is an as yet unexpllained tendency for authorities to opt for particular numerical constraints on the articulation of strategies and sets of principles. This is also evident in choice of themes, methodologies, values, and in the organization of departments and agencies, as discussed separately (Global Coherence by Interrelating Disparate Strategic Patterns Dynamically: topological interweaving of 4-fold, 8-fold, 12-fold, 16-fold and 20-fold in 3D, 2019; Patterns of N-foldness: comparison of integrated multi-set concept schemes as forms of presentation, 1980). Of particular interest is how some form of power law may constrain a sense of coherence and appropriateness.
Given the very extensive thinking associated with the design of bladed-fans to achieve the requisite thrust for aircraft engines, it is appropriate to explore the nature of thinking in the design of what might be recognized as strategic "fans" to achieve human uplift. Of particular interest is any correspondence to the design factors which mitigate against failure, as especially recognized in the case of multiple stages of rotating bladed-fans under stress from temperature and pressure. Reference to "blades" offers the irony that the term "cutting edge" is used in reference to innovations in both advanced technology and in social change initiatives.
The emphasis on the constructibility of geometric patterns, and their potential relation to comprehensibility and memorability in governance, is further clarified by the following table -- strangely highlighting the unexplained role of 17, now featuring as the primary ordering factor in the 17 Sustainable Development Goals of the UN.
| Number of sides of known constructible polygons having up to 1000 sides (bold) or odd side count (red) |
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| Extracted from table in Wikipedia by Cmglee / CC BY-SA |
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