Radical Localization in a Global Systemic Context (Part #5)
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The point of departure for this argument was the distinction made with the aid of the Gaussian distribution, namely those based on the standard deviation from the normal. A particular distinction is made between 1, 2 and 3 standard deviations. The question raised in whether a useful understanding of "extreme" and "radical" can be recognized in terms of such deviations from the norm.
Six Sigma: Of particular interest in this respect is the Six Sigma approach (notably as summarized in the Wikipedia commentary). This is a disciplined, data-driven approach and methodology for eliminating defects (driving toward six standard deviations between the mean and the nearest specification limit) in any process -- from manufacturing to transactional and from product to service. The process is one in which 99.99966% of all opportunities to produce some feature of a part are statistically expected to be free of defects (3.4 defective features per million opportunities). It therefore extends the deviation in the schematics above from 3 sigma to 6 sigma -- implying an even greater degree of exclusion of the exceptional, the anomalous and the abnormal in the quest for normality of the highest "purity".
The earlier study of Norms in the Global Struggle against Extremism: "rooting for" normalization vs. "rooting out" extremism? (2005) explored the relevance of this approach with respect to extremism, notably elaborating the following table.
Estimate of number of Muslim "extremists" | |||||
Six Sigma | UK Muslim | US Muslim | World Muslim | Standard deviation "Extremism" (excluding 1.5 sigma drift factor) | |
| percentage | sigma (σ) | ||||
| Sigma 1 ("normal") | (1,104,000) | (4,485,000) | (1,104,000,000) | 68.268957% | 1 |
| Sigma 2 | 492,800 | 2,002,000 | 492,800,000 | 4.55003% | 2 |
| Sigma 3 | 106,880 | 434,200 | 106,880,000 | 0.26998% | 3 |
| Sigma 4 | 9,936 | 40,365 | 9,936,000 | 0.00634% | 4 |
| Sigma 5 | 368 | 1,495 | 368,000 | 0.00006% | 5 |
| Sigma 6 | 5.4 | 22.1 | 5,440 | 0.000036% | 6 |
From this perspective, the earlier study concluded that with respect to the Muslim population of the UK (as an example):
Extremism framed mistakenly in unidirectional terms: The value of the use of concentric circles in the argument above is that it highlights the existence of extreme deviation from the norm in multiple directions (rather than a single direction), notably contrasting those emerging at the extremes of the left-right ideological spectrum. In particular it highlights the orthogonal spectrum from the extreme ("objective") fundamentalism of physics to that of ("subjective") existential experience.
Clearly, understood in this way the question is raised in which "direction" it is fruitful to search for the "radical" and to expect to locate those embodying such worldviews as "radicalists". Expressed otherwise, what is the "direction" of radicalisation and how is the process to be recognized with respect to any orientation between the axes identified in that way?
Rather than radicalisation being understood simplistically as a unidirectional process, radicalisation clearly has multidimensional implications. These are currently ignored in political and media framings and presentations. As noted separately, there is considerable irony to the appreciation conventionally accorded to exemplars such as Jesus, Einstein, Galileo, Pope Francis, and Prince Charles -- all of whom have been described as "radical" (Radical exemplars disruptive of normality 2015).
Extremism as "them" in contrast with "us": There is obviously a sense in which the collective "us" -- people "like us" -- is associated with the norm as the central circle in the schematic above. The concentric circles of greater diameter then define where those "less like us" (to varying degrees) are to be found. It is in the outer circle that those "least like us" are to be found -- naturally then to be understood as embodying "extremism" and appropriately labelled "extremist".
The difficulty again is the axis on which this difference is perceived. How is the existential fundamentalism of radical philosophy to be distinguished from that framed as political and ideological? A second difficulty of course is that the norm for any group (on any axis) relocates the set of concentric circles -- thereby potentially positioning as extreme what is otherwise defined as normal, as in what is considered distinctively normal in different cultures. Hence the statement: One man's terrorist is the other man's freedom fighter
Incomprehension associated with extremism: The concentric circles around the norm offers further insight through recognition that the inner circle is indicative of a mode and degree of comprehension considered normal -- even average. Surrounding circles are then suggestive of degrees of incomprehension or relative comprehension in terms of the normal perspective. Any higher degree of comprehension may be associated with incomprehensibility from a normal perspective. The outermost circle is then indicative of forms of comprehension which are inherently incomprehensible from any normal perspective -- typically requiring that they be reframed through simplification, stereotypes and caricature.
Obvious examples of this are provided by the radical insights of physics, comprehensible only to the very few from a normal perspective. Mystics offer another example.
Especially intriguing is how normal understanding is framed from such extreme perspectives. As is to be expected, a degree of deprecation (possibly regretful) and caricature is evident in this process.
Extreme individualism in relation to community normality: Clearly there is an implication that the central norms are defined by the larger community of "people like us". The concentric circles then offer a way of understanding increasing individualism as a form of increasing extremism -- whether in terms of political ideology (right or left), fundamental physics, or mysticism of some kind.
Extreme fear and terror: The set of concentric circles offers a means of exploring degrees of fear with which extremism and radicalism may be associated. The implication is then that normal "people like us" are best understood as living lives free of fear, or that any fear is somehow integrated as a characteristic stimulus of daily existence. Greater fear, challenging that norm, is then to be associated with surrounding circles of increasing diameter.
Of particular interest is the curious extent to which those living a normal existence cultivate the experience of fear to varying degrees:
The curious relation to "terror" can be recognized in the very common appreciation of experience as "terrific" -- including sexual intercourse, despite any commonly associated fears. It could even be said that failure to qualify an experience in such terms would be a significant indicator that its repetition would not be sought, with major commercial implications if it was provided as a service. How much "terror" do people tend to require in their daily lives -- and what is felt to be missing if it is removed?
Of relevance is understanding of a culture of fear in which fear is deliberately incited in the general public to achieve political goals (Uli Linke and Danielle Smith, Cultures of Fear: a critical reader, 2009; Frances Moore Lappe and Jeffrey Perkins, You Have the Power: choosing courage in a culture of fear, 2005; Frank Furedi, Politics of Fear: beyond left and right, 2005; Wole Soyinka, The Climate of Fear, 2004; David L. Altheide, Creating Fear: news and the construction of a crisis, 2002).
The focus on terrorism can be explored in such terms, as discussed separately (Promoting a Singular Global Threat -- Terrorism: strategy of choice for world governance, 2002). It could even be said that the daily media coverage of the reality violence and disaster offers a perverse form of entertainment increasingly indistinguishable from that offered virtually in fictional form.
More generally, given the existential fears with which daily life is associated (food, health, unemployment, social security, etc), normal people may have increasing resource to psychoactive substances to mitigate any such sense of fear. Ironically the addiction to "terrific" experience is then complemented by addiction to substances which suppress or regulate that experience -- or offer terrific experiences in another mode.
Dynamics and nonlocality: A significant implication of the above patterns is the suggestion of movement, whether understood in system terms as dynamic connectivity or as learning pathways. Both are of relevance to resilience and any recognition of an adaptive cycle in response to contextual change. This reframes the question of "where" any "radical" might be located when this might well be more appropriately understood in terms of an uncertainty principle. This would then call into question the precision with which the position and momentum of a "radical" might be determined. The possibility of an analogue has been envisaged for the social sciences (Garrison Sposito, Does a generalized Heisenberg Principle operate in the social sciences? Inquiry, 12, 1969, 3, pp. 356-361).
This suggests the curious possibility that from a normal perspective the location and identity of a "radical" may be readily determined, whereas from the perspective of a "radical" identity may well be primarily associated with movement -- with little attachment to a fixed location, whether physically or in cognitive terms. In the physical case this is consistent with guerilla tactics and the corporate appreciation of strategic nimbleness. In the cognitive case this may well be fundamental to the innovative creativity through which multiple possibilities are explored. The essence of radical creativity may well be understood in terms of the cognitive capacity to move between domains.
In the light of the reframing offered by fundamental physics (as noted above), this raises the question of the relevance of nonlocality with respect to any conventional effort to "locate" a "radical" in a global context. In terms of the existential philosophy of Jnana Yoga and Advaita Vedanta, this recalls the Sanskrit expression Neti Neti -- meaning "not this, not this", or "neither this, nor that".
The advocated use of playing card suits as a pattern language then serves to highlight one of the most common uses of such cards, namely in gambling. Understood as making a decisive commitment (notably an investment through bidding) in prediction of an outcome, the process clarifies the degree of uncertainty with which localizing "radical" may be associated -- and the risky manner in which resources are committed to any prediction. The point is further emphasized in the use of playing cards in the (fairground) confidence game commonly known as Find the Lady (or Three-card Monte). Are insights to be derived from this -- perhaps reframed as Find the Radical? Is this the game that government and the media may find it convenient to play with the general public in framing what should be most feared?
Ironically there is even the possibility that the playing card pattern language could be used to explore the extent to which current formulation of global governance bears any resemblance to the long tradition of cartomancy, as a means of fortune telling -- variously exploited by governors of the past.
Pattern enfoldment and 3-dimensionality: Of particular interest is the manner in which the patterns could take 3-dimensional form, with all that that might imply cognitively. Each of the basic patterns (heart, diamond, spade, clubs) could for example be rotated on the vertical axis (possibly when inverted). Some would then be strikingly reminiscent of the architecture of domed buildings, like mosques, the White House, or St Peters (Rome).
There are various approaches to generation of 3D heart shapes. Least relevant are those which give depth to the 2D image (Four Ways to 3D Hearts, Graphicssoft.about.com). The Bonne map projection has the globe projected onto a heart-like shape. Of greater relevance is the work of Gabriel Taubin and Eric W. Weisstein, as variously noted (Heart Surface MathWorld; Ivars Peterson, Algebraic Hearts, ScienceNews, 6 February 2002). Recalling the comments above on the relevance to catastrophe theory, the latter notes that a heart surface has several singularities, including a sharp point at the bottom and a deep indentation at the top. Images are presented by Michael Trott of a heart surface coloured according to Gaussian curvature and direction.
| Heart surfaces indicative of radical location of "significant others"? Screen shots of interactive demonstration of 3D heart shapes based on different equations Equations for Valentines from the Wolfram Demonstrations Project, by Michael Croucher after work by Eric W. Weisstein and Michael Trott | |||
| Kuska formula | Nordstrand formula | Taubin formula | Trott formula |
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Especially interesting however is the possibility that the planar set of concentric circles (within which the patterns are portrayed above) could "fold up" (or "curl up") from the outer circle, closing over the central focus with which normality is associated. In 3 dimensions the central cleft in the heart pattern would then be reminiscent of that between the hemispheres of the brain, as mentioned above with respect to hemispheric integration. A speculative indication of variants of this process (using the cardioid and fibonacci forms) is offered below as an aid to reflection
| Speculative animation of extremes "informing" the norm (and suggestive of other variants) |
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This would be especially significant to the extent that each concentric layer towards the extreme is indicative of increasing self-reflexivity -- a higher order of cybernetics in the sense explored by Maurice Yolles and Gerhard Fink (A General Theory of Generic Modelling and Paradigm Shifts, Kybernetes, 44, 2015). With respect to discussion above of the focus of Six Sigma on six standard deviations (increasing the depiction of concentric circles to six), this helps to frame the question of the relative frequency with which different orders of cybernetics come into play. With the Six Sigma methodology so framed, this calls for appreciation of the kinds of questions asked to achieve self-reflexivity of such a high order.
However this might be comprehended, the folding back to the centre recalls arguments regarding the cognitive implication of radicalising the present moment of ordinary normality, notably explored by Francisco Varela (The Embodied Mind: cognitive science and human experience, 1991) -- namely the radically reframed understanding of nowness discussed separately (Present Moment Research: exploration of nowness, 2001).
Radical embodiment? Such self-reflexivity features notably in the work of Douglas Hofstadter (I Am a Strange Loop, 2007). Is it only in periods of crisis that extreme thinking becomes the norm in this way -- for example, as variously argued (Ché Ramsden, COP21: forget 'the future', we need a more radical present, Open Democracy, 30 November 2015; James Zogby, The 'New Normal', The Huffington Post, 2 January 2016) ?
This suggests an avenue of exploration of the cognitive space of the jihadist and offers a particular twist to future consideration of the emergence of so-called "homegrown terrorism". Any reference to the central "cleft" of the heart pattern, positioned in relation to a rock-like central norm (as implied images in the above animation), then offers the provocative association to the popular Christian hymn Rock of Ages, Cleft for Me -- especially with its second line: Let me hide myself in Thee. As noted in the Wikipedia description, the words have been held to be the most profound, inspiring, encouraging, sacred, devotional, and precious words ever penned.
The visual rendering of the movement in the animation above is reminiscent of what is learnt from the aerodynamics of the flight of birds, as explored separately in relation to extremes (Counteracting Extremes Enabling Normal Flying: insights for global governance from birds on the wing and the dodo, 2015). The spectrum through the normal, as echoed by the political right and left, is curiously reminiscent of the current strategic quest for full-spectrum dominance, as separately argued (Embodying Global Hegemony through a Sustaining Pattern of Discourse: cognitive challenge of dominion over all one surveys, 2015).
Learning as radicalising? As now conventionally framed, radicalising is understood in linear terms as mistaken acquisition of perspectives on the political/ideological axis -- readily conflated with Islamisation, despite indications of right-wing radicalisation. Understood as linear thinking this excludes consideration of what has until recently been valued as lateral thinking, non-linear or vertical thinking, as variously discussed (Peter H. Diamandis, The Difference Between Linear and Exponential Thinking; Adriana Gil Miner, Mind Maps: non-linear thinking; Eric D. Brown, The Problem(s) with Linear Thinking, 2007; Kim Hudson, Are You a Circular or a Linear Thinker? Two Culture Talks, 2013)
Restriction to linear thinking therefore precludes consideration of forms of learning characteristic of the development of the valued creativity and inspiration associated with fundamental physics, radical art and mystical philosophy, however these may be appreciated or deprecated from a conventional perspective. In a global civilization in crisis, it also precludes the need of many urgently to radicalise their thinking in order to adapt more appropriately to changing circumstances, as separately explored (Radicalisation of Existence and Identity, 2015). Presumably the thousands of migrants fleeing zones exposed to "radical" military strategies of bombardment are usefully to be understood as radicalising their worldview in contrast to the normality endangered by that bombing.
In the current period it would appear that the learning associated with radical perspectives -- radicalising -- is increasingly framed as a monopoly of jihadism. No academic environment could now dare to promote "radical thinking" or imply that their environment enabled the development of "radical insights" through a learning process which might otherwise be termed "radicalising" and potentially enabled by critical thinking. Curiously it could be said that this effectively confines academia to thinking "in-the-box" (as noted above) -- for fear of exposure to the dangers of the abnormal and the condemnation which such contagion might attract.
Government, corporations and the military are similarly precluded from elaborating "radical solutions" to the crises of the times -- at least in terms which might invite public commentary. It is then to be expected that replicating the failures of the past is to become the norm, according to insights such as the following:
Strangely this suggests the re-emergence of a form of fortress mentality with a degree of replication of cognitive analogues to the defensive architectural features of the fortress of the past (bastion, embrasure, casemate, moat, drawbridge, and the like). Those taking the form of layers of concentric walls around a central keep are of particular interest -- especially in terms of the design of gates and the features from which outsiders could be repelled -- with provision for retreat to a central keep. Construction of military bases, corporate facilities, prisons, gated communities, and the walling of countries, are physical manifestations of this trend. It could be considered a failure of authority to engage playfully with otherness, as can be variously explored (Playing the Great Game with Intelligence: Authority versus the People, 2013; Reframing the Dynamics of Engaging with Otherness, 2011; Radical Unknowing: engaging with otherness through ignorance and emptiness, 2011).
Future experiment: The card pattern outlines lend themselves to presentation on a simple computer application enabling users to "play" with their superposition, rotation, multiplication, relative scaling, combination, etc -- even colouring them distinctively. These could well be adapted to use in so-called slot machines in casinos. Clearly there is the possibility of geometrically "purer" designs to benefit from the aesthetics of the golden ratio. However the purpose is not the design of better playing cards but rather enabling people to play with them as patterns variously evocative of significance. There is further signifiance to the possibility that the four patterns may constitute particular "solutions", in mathematical terms, to a single more fundamental pattern.
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