Engaging otherwise with fear of change

"Big Brother" Crying "Wolf"? (Part #11)

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It could be considered that the global preoccupation with "terrorism" at this time is extraordinary -- given the extent to which "terror" and violence are so central to the excitement of entertainment, of many sports, and of many forms of recreation. As indicated above, the "terror" to which "counter-terrorism" responds might be considered quite distinct from that associated with entertainment. That argument could be contested, especially when it is characteristic of a "thrill" or an "adrenaline rush", and more dubiously when pleasure is derived from the terror engendered in others.

Officially denied terrorism and experience of terror: The preoccupation with "counter-terrorism" could be understood as deliberately ignoring the very real terror experienced by some (possibly on a daily basis), possibly with physical consequences (even death), as with:

• domestic violence (whether between adults, towards minors, between siblings, or in behaviour of minors to parents)
• sexual abuse (of women, of minors), in prisons, or in the military (The Invisible War, 2012)
• violence in the workplace (and towards bonded labour, slaves, etc)
• violence in institutions (prisons, military, schools, care homes, etc), possibly also associated with hazing rituals
• violence in the street or public transport (gang violence, muggings, etc), notably in police "no go" areas
• induced terror (road rage, bike rage, air rage)
• post-traumatic stress disorder (most notably in the case of military veterans, and the terror they may engender in their neighbourhoods)
• fear of crime

These may all be associated with harassment and bullying -- experienced as terrifying -- possibly leading to fatalities or suicide. The latter may also be a consequence of cyberbullying in internet chat rooms. Threats, whether of violence or loss of livelihood, can be similarly experienced as terrifying.

It would seem that "counter-terrorism" focuses on acts intended to result in fatalities -- because of the terror they engender after the fact or in anticipation of it. It seemingly ignores forms of terror engendered without that explicit intention -- or the terror experienced by those who do not die. Could it be said that "counter-terrorism" operates a dubious strategy of triage -- or gerrymandering -- in selecting those forms of terror to which it gives attention? Those forms excluded are then effectively defined as "terror-free". There is then some irony to treatment of "shootings" as terrorism if they involve a foreigner, but otherwise if they do not (as in the case of school shootings). Hence the embarrassment of "domestic terrorism" -- when in fact there is far more such terror-engendering activity than is suggested by that term.

Experience of fear: To reframe the situation, the question meriting attention is the experiential nature of fear itself -- rather than assuming that it can be simply defined and described. Especially relevant is the fear of change and the terror induced by the threat of change. This terror could prove to be notably characteristic of any conservative worldview -- complementing the terror experienced by many in any society dominated by such a worldview..

In exploring the nature of fear, it is most curious that this could be seen as a continuing preoccupation of media dramatisations of many kinds. The attraction could then be understood as an effort to understand various forms of fear, to see them articulated, even as a form of therapy. Exposure to such fear also offers possibilities of vicariously acting out responses to situations which may arise in the future, or which may have arisen in the past.

Source of insight into fear: Framed in this way, it is then useful to ask who knows about "fear", in addition to those faced with the contexts identified above. What particular skills do they, or others, bring to bear in understanding it less superficially than those preoccupied with "counter-terrorism"? Sources of insight could include:

• specialists in "enhanced interrogation" and infliction of pain (aided by psychologists, as protected by the American Psychological Association, and other authorities)
• combat troops:
  • front line troops (as traditionally exemplified by those in World War I prepared to leave the trenches -- "going over the top" -- with a high probability of being killed)
  • fighter pilots (as exemplified by the Spitfire pilots in the Battle of Britain, faced with similar fatalities)
  • special operations combat troops (with a high risk of being captured and tortured, and therefore trained to "handle" that experience)
  • mujhaheddin fighters and suicide bombers (prepared to die for their cause)
• speculators (prepared to risk a very high percentage of their assets, as notably described by Nassim Nicholas Taleb, The Black Swan: the impact of the highly improbable, 2007; Antifragile: Things That Gain from Disorder, 2012):
  • high risk speculators on financial market
  • venture capitalists
  • poker players and other gamblers
• extreme sports and martial arts:
  • participants in extreme sports with a high risk to life (mountaineering, free climbing, etc)
  • participants in martial arts and hand-to-hand combat (notably according to eastern philosophies)
  • wild game hunters and photographers (especially those expecting to be in dangerous proximity to animals)
• conflict participants, mediators, and negotiators:
  • conflict and hostage situations (with every possibility of being killed)
  • street and bike gangs, potentially competing violently for territory (and the community facilitators required to engage with them and mitigate their violence)
  • organized crime gangs
• people with a terminal illness or otherwise facing death (Arthur Koestler, Dialogue with Death, 1942)
• counsellors in fear management (either with respect to institutional environments or as a feature of personal development, possibly extending to a pathological lack of self-esteem and sense of identity)

The exploration can be further extended by considering:

• competitive contexts (whether sports or corporate) in which engendering fear, or experiencing it, is part of that reality. The conventional environments can be contrasted with those of (criminal) gangs where these can be associated with fatalities. The question is then whose "rules" condition the level of risk? Especially relevant is the degree of exposure to the threatening "other". To what extent is one competitor able to "look the other in the eye" without having the other bound under constraint to minimize the threat?
• potentially threatening contexts:
• to what extent have those preoccupied with "terrorism" encountered a "terrorist on his/her own ground -- rather than in Abu Ghraib, Bagram or Guantanamo Bay?
• to what extent has the hunter engaged "face-to-face" with a dangerous wild animal -- rather than equipped with weaponry eliminating any threat?
• to what extent is the reality of gang operations appreciated, including engagement with gang members "face-to-face"?
• to what extent is the reality of prisons and mental asylums appreciated, including engagement with other inmates and abusive staff?
• to what extent is the reality of intentional communities and cults appreciated, including engagement with other participants and manipulative leadership?
• to what extent is the reality of other ethnic groups appreciated, including engagement with people of that culture?
• hypothetically threatening contexts might include the nature of the encounter with extraterrestrials, as frequently explored in science fiction, and separately discussed (Communicating with Aliens: the psychological dimension of dialogue, 2000).

Fear of change: There is an extensive literature on "fear management" and "fear of change" (Melanie A. Greenberg, Ten Skills to Manage Fear and Anxiety in an Unsafe World, Psychology Today, 15 December 2012; Marc MacYoung and Dianna Gordon MacYoung, Fear Management vs. Danger Management, No Nonsense Self-Defense). There is a related literature on "fear of change" (Adam Dachis, Why You're So Afraid of Change (and What You Can Do About It), lifehacker, 11 February 2013; Jacquelyn Smith, 12 Tips for Overcoming Your Fear of Change at Work, Forbes, 18 January 2013; Tara Wagner, 5 Things Your Fear of Change Really Means, 21 September 2011).

"Fear of change" of course includes those fears associated with the change to oneself at different phases of life: puberty, adulthood, mid-life crisis, and death. The latter includes "fear of death" as in terror management theory.

Of relevance to this argument is whether the focus is in fact on a carefully framed environment -- to be caricatured as "fear-lite" -- or whether it encompasses the degree of existential fear to which some are exposed, as noted above. Of even more relevance, is whether "fear management" is simply conflated with "counter-terrorism", as framed by the security services.

It is clear that the experience of fear in some contexts calls for special attitudes to engage with it appropriately -- as in the martial arts or some extreme sports. The subtlety of these attitudes is obscured by framing them as a form of "fear management". There would seem to be a requirement to engage with that fear and to be transformed by it -- in ways which call for deep insight, as is for example cultivated for high-risk environments. The attitude is presumably evident to those able to take extreme (sacrificial) risk in combat or hazardous situations -- irrespective of whether that attitude can be meaningfully communicated.

In relation to the collective framing of "terrorism", the "fear of change" can also be usefully explored through engagement in unusual collective experiences (subsequently framed as iconic) such as:

• the Long March (1934- 1935): a military retreat undertaken by the Red Army of the Communist Party of China
• sieges (Masada, Stalingrad, etc)
• pioneer columns
• intentional communities

Radical change: Such examples can be used to explore understanding of Christian crusades in relation to Islamic jihad. Both may be understood as a battle for change. In both cases, however, the focus is on changing the "other" to the preferred worldview. This is also characteristic of modern uses of "crusade". Neither is especially focused on collective change of those initiating the endeavour. The initiatives therefore obscures a more fundamental fear of "self-change".

The challenge of collective self-change might also be said to be evident in many alternative initiatives crusading for change on the part of those holding a more conservative or deprecated worldview. There is little question of collective self-change, although this may be implied to a degree by the slogan: You must be the change you want to see in the world (Mahatma Gandhi). Framed in this way, the implication is that the change is risk free -- and does not require coming face-to-face with existential fears. This might be caricatured as "change-lite".

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